In a remarkable diplomatic stride, India and Egypt have embarked on a trajectory of enhanced bilateral cooperation over the past couple of years. Building upon the groundwork laid by India’s foreign minister, defense minister, and military chiefs, Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s recent visit to Cairo marks a significant milestone, as it is the first visit by an Indian leader to Egypt since 1997. This strategic move underscores the Indian government’s commitment to prioritize economic, political, and diasporic ties with the region.
Earlier this year, President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi of Egypt graced India with his presence as the chief guest at the Republic Day celebrations , solidifying the burgeoning relationship between the two nations. Furthermore, India has extended an invitation to Egypt to attend the G20 summit in September. The historical bond between New Delhi and Cairo can be traced back to the era of the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) under the leadership of former Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru and Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser. However, in subsequent decades, geopolitical shifts and evolving foreign policies led to a gap in relations as both nations focused on different priorities following the liberalization era in the 1990s.
Within the context of West Asian geopolitics, one must recognize the underlying factors that have contributed to the timing of this détente between India and Egypt. Cairo’s relationship with its neighbors and the Islamic world at large has been instrumental in shaping the current scenario. Egypt found itself at the epicenter of the Arab Spring in 2010, which ultimately led to the ousting of President Hosni Mubarak after a 30-year reign. During this period, Egypt grappled with the trajectory of its own political destiny, as the Muslim Brotherhood gained prominence. This Islamist movement, founded by schoolteacher and Imam Hassan al-Banna in 1928, presented a unique challenge to Egypt’s political landscape.
In the aftermath of the Arab Spring, Egypt embarked on a tumultuous path toward a potential transition to an electoral-democracy system. However, the 2012 Egyptian elections yielded unfavorable outcomes for many, as Mohamed Morsi of the Muslim Brotherhood emerged as the first Islamist leader of a state in the Arab world. This ideological shift raised concerns, particularly for New Delhi, which views various forms of political Islam through the lens of extremism and terrorism . Interestingly, during his one-day visit to India in March 2013 , Morsi emphasized the importance of pluralism, an agenda that resonated with Egypt’s priorities at the time. While India could observe this development from a distance, neighboring countries found the rise of the Muslim Brotherhood unacceptable. Under President Sisi, the Muslim Brotherhood was banned in Egypt, and Cairo established stronger ties with Abu Dhabi and Riyadh. This intra-regional geopolitical reality provides an opportune moment for New Delhi to capitalize on and revive its fading ties with Cairo.
Looking ahead, President Sisi’s visit to India earlier this year, followed by Prime Minister Modi’s reciprocal visit, present an ideal platform to usher in a new era of collaboration. Despite Egypt’s ongoing economic crisis , both nations can explore opportunities for mutually beneficial partnerships, leveraging liberalized economic and trade regimes. Crucial frameworks must be established to facilitate these agendas, focusing on sectors such as agriculture, technology, defense, green finance, South-to-South cooperation, counterterrorism, and combating violent extremism.
Nevertheless, it is imperative that the goals set by both countries remain grounded in reality. India’s ambitious endeavors, such as the extensive promotion of domestically manufactured HAL Tejas , have fallen short of expectations, particularly in securing substantial defense deals. While future prospects for such agreements remain viable, it is advisable to foster defense ties incrementally, focusing on achievable targets in non-armed tools, technologies, IT solutions, and even small arms and military logistics. Such an approach will foster trust and acceptance within the Egyptian military, which has traditionally relied on American military aid and continues to pursue advanced American defense technologies like the F-15 fighter aircraft . It is worth noting that Cairo has also exhibited a degree of diversification by incorporating Russian and Chinese weapons into its arsenal, potentially opening avenues for Indian companies in the future.
Ultimately, India and Egypt find themselves navigating a world where their interests increasingly align. This convergence is evident in their shared objective of safeguarding their respective national interests amidst the ongoing power struggle between the United States and China. Furthermore, both nations seek to maintain stability in the face of Russia’s conflict with Ukraine. However, translating these aspirations into tangible actions is no simple task. While India aspires to become a pole in a multipolar order within South Asia, countries like the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia harbor similar ambitions. Many of these evolving bilateral and multilateral relationships are currently aligned to hedge against the specter of intense power competition. Consequently, competition among these nations within the global order is inevitable. Contrary to prevailing opinions, this dynamic fosters healthy discourse rather than detriment.
